The EU will not encourage secessionist movements that could destabilize governments or European institutions. If the Catalan challenge were to succeed, there is a risk of a domino effect. Not only in Spain, starting with the Basque Country, but also in Europe. A State can internally and democratically modify its configuration, but there is no European response to deal with conflicts between regions and States. Neither the fragmentation nor the proliferation of small States would bring real progress.
The ‘Brexit’ reignites the conflict in Scotland and Ulster
London allowed a referendum on independence in 2014 and the majority voted against it. There is a relative parallelism with Catalonia in relation to the argument that “here we administer better”. Scotland was a sovereign State until the Act of Union was approved in 1707 and it should not be forgotten that for its consultation there was consensus and respect for legality. With Brexit, the question is present again.
As Nicola Sturgeon, from the Scottish National Party and head of the autonomous government, announced, the will of the Scots must be respected, as the majority chose to remain in the EU. Polls indicate that in another referendum the result would be similar to that of 2014. Also in Northern Ireland, problems are reappearing as a result of Brexit, rejected by a majority of Northern Ireland. Sinn Fein nationalists claim a “special status” in the EU.
Corsica and the Catalan way
Since the 1970s, the struggle for independence in Corsica had violent overtones. The armed path has been relieved by politics, although the conflict is still in force. In the last legislative elections, Corsican nationalism obtained three deputies in the National Assembly for the first time. In any case, two years ago his demand for more autonomy and the request for co-official status for privateering were rejected. Paris does not pay much attention to regional languages, considering them a danger to unity.
The cases of French Catalonia and the French Basque Country
There are other separatist foci in France, albeit in a minority. The so-called French Catalonia, whose unofficial capital would be Perpignan, feels a certain cultural bond although it ignores secessionism. The Catalan-speaking Roussillon passed to the French State in 1669. The French Basque Country could do the same with its neighbors in Euskadi, where society was rebuilding itself in peace and freedom. If the illegal Catalan consultation were to go ahead, there would be voices calling for that path. 57% of the Basques would be in favor of the referendum. But according to the latest Euskobarometer, only 30% of those consulted declared themselves to be independent.
There were also attacks perpetrated by armed nationalist movements in Brittany until 2000. Now, the nationalists, like the Breton Democratic Union, demand a return to the historical limits in the administration.
Padania and the weight of capital
The secessionist movement in northern Italy is markedly economic in nature, although artificial because it lacks a historical basis. In the regions of Lombardy, Aosta, Piemonte, Liguria, Veneto and Emilia-Romagna, a large part of the Italian economic capital is generated through banking and industry. Many believe that the central and southern regions of the country are wasting money. The Northern League Party in the 90s wanted the independence of “Padania”, from the Italian name “pianura padana”, plain of the Po. At present, the formation is more moderate. The upcoming referendums to ask for more autonomy have mitigated the pro-sovereignty impulse.
South Tyrol, language and economy
It belonged to Austria-Hungary until the end of the First World War, then to Italy. After the Second World War, it obtained more and more political and language autonomy. There is also an important economic factor here: the region can even keep part of the public revenue, however, by being economically successful it does not want to be politically dependent on Rome, whose debts have fostered the idea of separatism. Italy is, after Greece, the most indebted country in the eurozone.
Sardinia and the historical links with the Crown of Aragon
In Sardinia up to a million people speak their own language, Sardinian. Although the identity feeling on the island is strong, the nationalist political spectrum is very fragmented. In the event that it manages to unite, it would have a force of 25% of the votes. There are historical links with the Crown of Aragon, of which Sardinia was a part of the 14th century to the beginning of the 18th. Catalan was the official language and there are still speakers in the capital, Alghero.
Flanders and the Belgian peculiarity
In the 2014 elections, the New Flemish Alliance was the most voted. Its leaders are convinced that Flanders, without Wallonia, will be better off. In the region, which is the richest, flamenco is spoken. Wallonia is French-speaking and with a Catholic majority, it has never had a state and was part of the Spanish crown for two centuries. In Brussels both languages are official. If Flanders were to become independent, Belgium would lose more than half of its inhabitants and economic power. The temptation for the rich party to get rid of the poorer party is perhaps higher. However, as in Scotland it is unlikely that the unilateral route was used. The debate has lost steam.
Bavaria, the one that contributes the most
Bavaria, with its economic performance, would prefer to give up less money to balance the gap between the poor and rich Länder. The Bavarians are the ones that contribute the most to the Solidarity Fund and, therefore, one of the main demands of the nationalists of the Bavarian Party is a new fiscal pact. Founded in 1946, this group lost much support when the Catholic Church sided with the Christian Socials in the early 1950s. The Christian Social Union, associated at the federal level with the Christian Democratic Union, dominates the political scene. According to polls, a third of Bavarians would be in favor of independence.
the slovenian way
In the 1990 referendum in Slovenia the independence option won by 95%. There was a participation of around 90%. The Slovenian referendum law provided for a period of six months to negotiate how it would be implemented. Unlike the Catalan case, there was no EU member affected and the Yugoslav Federation was a state in disintegration. Along with Slovenia, Croatia also became independent, leading to a longer and bloodier conflict. The Slovenian declaration was followed by a 10-day war, in which a hundred people died. The intervention of the EU at that time produced the “de facto recognition” of the new State.
Facebook Comments
Disqus